By developer
It was in the midst of the COVID pandemic that the BJP government had steamrolled in two oppressive laws. The fist were the three farm laws aimed at benefiting capitalist farming corporations and agro-retail corporations. The second and potentially more devastating, was the Labour Codes. These Labour codes are aimed at ‘streamlining’ India’s ‘complex’ labour laws into three comprehensive codes.
While the farmer agitation drew more attention, and had the decisive impact of giving Modi’s BJP it’s first real political defeat, the general strike in opposition to the Labour codes, which occurred a day before the start of the farmer’s agitation, has been more or less forgotten. The one day token strike failed to achieve anything. The farmer’s agitation presented a golden opportunity for a powerful united front of workers and farmers, united in struggle across the country. Such an opportunity was squandered by the trade union leadership and farmer’s bodies.
Nevertheless, the farmer’s agitation won in their goal of repealing the farm laws, and weakened the BJP government. Several struggles broke out right after the end of the farmer’s agitation. Now in 2025, the central trade unions have decided to return to the strategy of general strike against the Labour Codes.
What are the Labour Codes ?
The new labour codes are designed to replace the existing legal framework for labour relations in India where there are 44 different labour laws dealing with several different aspects of labour laws, most notable among the existing acts as the Industrial Disputes Act 1947, the Wages Act, and the Factories Act. The four new codes will override all these laws in favour of four new laws which purports to ‘streamline’ labour laws in India, favouring ‘flexibility’ over security. Such changes in labour laws have been a long-standing demand of the Indian bourgeoisie, who wish to turn back the gains of labour struggles of the last 100 years.
In the same vein as the farm laws, the four new labour codes were passed through parliament without any discussion or consultation with trade unions. The arbitrary voice vote and the speaker’s decision to pass the bill despite clear opposition and uncertainty of a majority belie the undemocratic manner in which this and the farm laws were passed.
No sooner than the laws were passed all trade unions across the country as well as opposition parties joined forces in denouncing the law. Even the BJP affiliated Bharatiya Mazdoor Sangh has come out in opposition against the bill. Its general secretary stated that the new laws would “adversely affect industrial peace”, an unsurprising take from the right-wing trade union. By his own admission, none of the pro-worker recommendations by the union or the parliamentary standing committee were accepted by the government, who wished to push an entirely pro-corporate law.
Among the sweeping changes brought about by the new laws, the companies with up to 300 workers are exempted from standing orders, an increase from 100 workers in the current law. This would allow companies with up to 300 workers flexibility to hire and fire. This would make millions of workers who are employed in the small to medium scale sector in India (the mainstay of employment), vulnerable to mass layoffs and retrenchments. In the words of CITU general secretary Tapan Sen:
“These codes, now passed, will throw more than 74% of the industrial workers and 70% of industrial establishments in ‘hire and fire regime’ at the will of the employers; even formation of a trade union will be extremely difficult; will impose a virtual ban on workers’ right to strike and even collectively agitate on their grievances and demands to mention a few,” he said.
Under the new wages code, allowances are capped at 50 per cent. This means half of the gross pay of an employee would be basic wages. Provident fund contribution is calculated as a percentage of the basic wage, which includes basic pay and dearness allowance. The employers have been splitting wages into numerous allowances to keep basic wages low to reduce provident funds and income tax outgo. The new wages code provides for provident fund contribution as a prescribed proportion of 50 per cent. The effect of this would be to reduce the amount of pay the worker can get in salaries and wages, his ‘take home’ money.
Past General Strikes
While the farmer’s protests have been in focus, and deservedly so, the working class has not been idle in its struggle against the laws either. Soon after the passing of the new labour laws trade unions began their agitation. In April this year, when the laws were to be implemented across the country, the trade unions came out in protest to observe it as ‘Anti-Labour code day’. The fact is, that the new labour laws are deeply unpopular and resented by most workers in India, and there is even more reason to do so now since the economy is still reeling from the devastating effects of the lockdown and the pandemic, which has cost 20 million jobs. For this reason, the government has yet to roll out the law. It has taken 4 years since the passage of the law, to convince most of the state governments across India to implement the new law and now 25 of 28 state governments have submitted their drafts. The government is aiming to bring the law into force by the annual budget of 2026.
Continued agitation is essential in order to ensure the law does not come into effect, and our aim must be it’s repeal, so it lies dead and buried. While this struggle ensues, the fight of the scheme workers (including ASHA workers and Anganwadi workers) continues. It must be remembered that the ASHA workers are the frontline force in dealing with the pandemic, but the government has treated them with contempt and ignored their most pressing demands. On the 24th of September, they staged another nationwide strike, over non-payment of wages, an increase of pay during the pandemic and for the basic right to food and nutrition. Last year over half a million ASHA workers had gone on strike, while the pandemic and lockdown was still in force, to demand basic pay, security and kits which they need for conducting their job. The government was forced to concede.
The main lesson from these past struggles is that a one day token strike simply won’t suffice. Since 2010 central trade unions have conducted general strikes across the nation, often involving tens of millions of workers. These one day strikes were a disturbance to the system, and a reminder that India’s working class was ready for militant action. However, they did not real disruption to the system, nor harm the capitalist class politically, nor did the strikes become the starting point of any sustained national movement of the working class.
What must be done ?
Our criticism of the strategy of the trade unions must not be seen as criticism of the strike itself. The strike is necessary, now more than ever. The BJP government led by Modi has been intensifying the attacks on the working class, whether its through constant barrage of new taxes, attacks on working class organizing, political attacks on activists, and these new Labour Codes, which is nothing but a large scale attack on the rights of Indian workers.
In such a time, only militant action can prevent workers of India from losing their hard won rights. A token 24 hour strike, no matter how large, will not do! The need of the hour is long term sustained agitation, guided by a political programme that empowers workers. Such a programme can only come about through revolutionary socialist organizing. The Stalinist parties have shown that they can mobilize masses, the fact that many still answer their call shows that there is still hope among India’s impoverished masses towards a communist programme. However, the Stalinists and Maoist parties, particularly those in the mainstream such as the CPIM, CPIML, have long since abandoned any serious revolutionary action in favour of electoral strategies with little to show for it.
The farmer’s agitation succeeded, not because of any electoral strategy, but sustained continued agitation, with a single, clear and popular demand against the government. For the workers to succeed, this strike must emulate the success of the farmer’s agitation. Our focus must be the repeal of the Labour Codes, and the imposition of strict limits on working hours, and sliding scale of wages as a starting point.
The trade unions include tens of millions of India’s workers, across organized and unorganized sectors. The trade union is still a representative body of workers, and the working class sees them this way. They can be a learning tool, creating political consciousness among workers, and teaching them vital lessons of class struggle against capitalism. It is necessary that revolutionaries engage with the workers where they are, and they are often in trade unions. It is necessary that we interact with the workers in struggle, strikes such as these present a great opportunity for reaching out to the workers.
The general strike can be a spark from which more militant actions arise, but for this to happen, the trade unions must be won over from bureaucratic leadership, and especially so from the dead end of Stalinist leadership. A militant trade union led by revolutionaries, will make the capitalists panic!
REPEAL THE LABOUR CODES !
ALL OUT SUPPORT TO THE GENERAL STRIKE !
DOWN WITH MODI GOVERNMENT !